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Showing posts with label gender and sexuality. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gender and sexuality. Show all posts

Monday, April 30, 2012

Posted by Venu K.M
ന്യൂ ജെനറേഷന്‍.. അങ്ങിനെ ഒന്നുണ്ടോ?
ന്താണ് 'ന്യൂ ജെന്‍' മലയാള സിനിമ? രണ്ടായിരത്തിഏഴിലോ എട്ടിലോ ആണെന്ന് തോന്നുന്നു ..
'ന്യൂ ജെന്‍ സിനിമ' എന്നൊന്ന് ഉണ്ടോ എന്ന് ശങ്കിച്ചപ്പോള്‍ അതാ വരുന്നു 'നാല് പെണ്ണുങ്ങള്‍'!

ഒരു കാലത്ത് മലയാള സിനിമയുടെ ഭാഷയിലും ശൈലിയിലും നവതരംഗം ഇളക്കിവിട്ട മുന്‍നിര സംവിധായകരില്‍ ഒരാള്‍ ആയ അടൂര്‍ ഗോപാലകൃഷ്ണന്‍ 1972 ഇല്‍ സ്വയംവരം എന്ന ചിത്രത്തിലൂടെ 'നവ തരംഗ സിനിമയ്ക്ക്' മലയാളത്തില്‍ തുടക്കം കുറിച്ച വ്യക്തിയായി ഇന്നും പരിഗണിക്കപ്പെടുന്നു . അവിടുന്നിങ്ങോട്ട് സംവിധായകന്‍ എന്ന നിലയില്‍ പല സിനിമകളിലും അനേക ബഹുമതികള്‍ അദ്ദേഹത്തിനു ലഭിച്ചു . 2007 ഇല്‍ അടൂര്‍ എടുത്ത ചിത്രം , അമ്പതു വര്ഷം മുന്പ് തകഴി രചിച്ച വ്യത്യസ്തങ്ങളായ കഥകളിലെ നാല് സ്ത്രീ പ്രമേയങ്ങളാണ് സ്വതന്ത്ര എപിസോഡുകള്‍ പോലെ കോര്‍ത്തിണക്കി ഒറ്റ സിനിമ ആക്കിയത് . ഈ സിനിമയ്ക്ക് മികച്ച സംവിധായകനുള്ള ദേശീയ പുരസ്കാരം ലഭിച്ചു വെന്നത് നേരാണെങ്കിലും, തകഴിയുടെ കഥകളിലെ ഭിന്ന സാമൂഹ്യ പശ്ചാത്തലമുള്ള 'നാല് പെണ്ണുങ്ങളെയും' പൂര്‍ണ്ണമായും പഴയ കഥയിലെ സ്ത്രീകള്‍ ആയിത്തന്നെയും , തകഴിയുടെ നോട്ടത്തിലും ചിത്രീകരിക്കാന്‍ ആയിരുന്നു അടൂരിന് ഇഷ്ടം . പഴയ കഥകള്‍ പ്രമേയം ആക്കിയതുകൊണ്ടു മാത്രം സിനിമ പുതുതല്ലാതാവും എന്ന വാദം ഉന്നയിക്കുകയല്ല.

നേരെ മറിച്ച്, കൂടുതല്‍ കാലികമായ പുതിയ പ്രമേയങ്ങളോ , പഴയവയ്ക്ക് പുതു വ്യാഖ്യാനങ്ങളും പാഠഭേദങ്ങളുമോ കൈകാര്യം ചെയ്യാന്‍ മലയാള സിനിമയിലെ പ്രഗല്‍ഭര്‍ പോലും പൊതുവേ വിമുഖത പുലർത്തുന്നില്ലേ എന്ന് സംശയിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു. ഉദാഹരണത്തിന് സ്ത്രീ പ്രമേയങ്ങള്‍ തന്നെ എടുക്കൂ ; പുതുമ അവകാശപ്പെടുന്ന സ്ത്രീ പ്രമേയങ്ങള്‍ പലതും ഇന്നും പഴയ വാര്‍പ്പ് മാതൃകകളില്‍ തന്നെ ചുറ്റികറങ്ങുന്നവ ആണ് എന്ന് അഭിപ്രായമുണ്ട് .

പുതുതായി, വ്യത്യസ്തമായി എന്തെങ്കിലും.? മലയാള സിനിമയില്‍ പുതുതായി ചില നല്ല പ്രവണതകള്‍ നാമ്പിടുന്നതായി ഇടയ്ക്കൊക്കെ തോന്നാറുണ്ട്.

2006 ഇല്‍ ബോബ്ബി സഞ്ജയ് തിരക്കഥയെഴുതി റോഷന് ആന്ഡ്രൂസ് സംവിധാനം ചെയ്ത നോട്ട് ബുക്ക് അക്കൂട്ടത്തില്‍ പെടുത്താം എന്ന് തോന്നുന്നു. സഹപാഠികള്‍ ഉം സുഹൃത്തുക്കള്‍ ഉം ആയ മൂന്ന് ഹൈസ്കൂള്‍ പെണ്‍കുട്ടികളും അവരുടെ സഹ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥികള്‍ ആയ ഏതാനും ആണ്‍കുട്ടികളും ആണ് ഇതിലെ മുഖ്യ കഥാപാത്രങ്ങള്‍. അച്ചടക്കത്തിന് പേരെടുത്ത അവര്‍ പഠിക്കുന്ന സ്ഥാപനവും കണിശ സ്വഭാവക്കാരനായ അതിന്റെ പ്രിന്‍സിപ്പല്‍ഉം മുതല്‍, കുട്ടികള്‍ അവരുടെ ചെറുതും വലുതും ആയ പ്രതിസന്ധികളെ ക്കുറിച്ച് ഒരിക്കലും തുറന്ന് സംസാരിക്കാന്‍ ധൈര്യപ്പെടാത്ത വിധം അനുസരണത്തിന്റെയും ഭയത്തിന്റെയും കുടുസ്സായ ഇട നാഴികളിലൂടെ അവരെ നയിക്കുന്ന രക്ഷിതാക്കളും, നിയമ പാലന സംവിധാനങ്ങളും വരെ ഇതില്‍ വിചാരണ ചെയ്യപ്പെടുന്നുണ്ട് . മാതൃകാ വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ ആയി പൊതു ബോധത്തില്‍ അംഗീകാരം നേടുന്ന പലതിലെയും അധ്യാപകരില്‍ തഴയ്ക്കുന്ന വര്‍ഗ്ഗീയതയും മുന്‍വിധികളും ആരാലും ചോദ്യം ചെയ്യപ്പെടാത്തത് നിമിത്തം മിടുക്കന്മാരായ വിദ്യാര്‍ഥികള്‍ക്കുപോലും ആത്മാഭിമാനം രക്ഷിക്കുക എന്നത് ഒരു കടുത്ത വെല്ലുവിളിയാകുന്നതിന്റെ ചിത്രം നോട്ട് ബുക്ക്‌ വരച്ചുകാട്ടുന്നുണ്ട് . മേല്‍ സൂചിപ്പിച്ച തരം സാമൂഹ്യ ആകാംക്ഷ കളെ ആവിഷ്കരിക്കുന്ന പുതിയ പ്രമേയങ്ങള്‍ തീര്‍ച്ചയായും സിനിമാ പ്രമേയങ്ങളുടെ വാര്‍പ്പ് മാതൃകകളില്‍ നിന്നും വ്യതിചലിച്ച് ഉറച്ചതും ധീരവും ആയ കാല്‍ വെപ്പുകളുടെ സാധ്യതയാണ് തേടുന്നത് .

2011 ഇല്‍ ഇറങ്ങിയ മേല്‍വിലാസം മാധവ് രാംദാസ് എന്ന യുവ സംവിധായകന്‍ നടത്തുന്ന ധീരമായ മറ്റൊരു സിനിമാ പരീക്ഷണം ആണ് . 1970 കളില്‍ ഇന്ത്യന്‍ സേനാ വിഭാഗത്തില്‍ നടന്ന ഒരു കോര്‍ട്ട് മാര്‍ഷല്‍ കഥയെ ആധാരമാക്കി എഴുതപ്പെട്ട ഹിന്ദി നാടകത്തിന്റെ സ്ക്രിപ്റ്റ് സൂര്യാ കൃഷ്ണ മൂര്‍ത്തി മലയാളത്തില്‍ പുനരാഖ്യാനം ചെയ്ത് ഏതാനും വര്‍ഷങ്ങള്‍ മുന്‍പ് രംഗത്ത് അവതരിപ്പിച്ചിരുന്നു . എന്നാല്‍, മല യാള സിനിമയുടെ ചവിട്ടിത്തേഞ്ഞ ചാലുകളില്‍ ഒട്ടുമേ സുലഭമല്ലാത്ത ഒരു പുതിയ തരം രാഷ്ട്രീയ സംവേദന നിലവാരത്തിനായുള്ള പ്രയത്നത്തില്‍ സംവിധായകന്‍ എന്ന നിലയില്‍ തന്റെ പങ്കു വഹിക്കാനുള്ള സന്നദ്ധതയാണ് മാധവ് രാംദാസ് മേല്‍വിലാസം എന്ന സിനിമയിലൂടെ പ്രഖ്യാപിക്കുന്നത് . പാര്‍ഥിപന്‍ , തലൈവാസല്‍ വിജയന്‍, സുരേഷ് ഗോപി തുടങ്ങിയ പ്രഗല്‍ഭരുടെ അഭിനയ സാധ്യതകള്‍ ഉപയോഗിക്കുന്ന സംഭാഷണ പ്രധാനമായതും , ഒരൊറ്റ കോര്‍ട്ട് മാര്‍ഷല്‍ രംഗത്തില്‍ പ്രേക്ഷകരെ രണ്ടു മണിക്കൂര്‍ സമയം പിടിച്ചിരുത്തുന്നതും ആയ ഒരു മികച്ച രാഷ്ട്രീയ സിനിമ ഉണ്ടെന്ന കണ്ടെത്തലിലേക്ക്‌ സംവിധായകന്‍ എത്തുന്നത് മുഖ്യധാരാ സിനിമയിലും സമൂഹത്തിലും ഒരു പ്രശ്നം എന്ന നിലയില്‍ പലപ്പോഴും നിസ്സാരവല്‍ക്കരിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന ജാതീയത മറു വശത്ത് ശക്തര്‍ എപ്പോഴും ഒരു ചവിട്ടുപടിയായി ഉപയോഗിക്കുന്നു എന്നതാവാം.
'22 ഫീമെയിൽ കോട്ടയം'

ഈ ചിത്രം കാണാന്‍ ഉള്ള മുഖ്യ പ്രചോദനം, ഫേസ് ബുക്ക് ഗ്രൂപ്പുകളിലും സോഷ്യൽ നെറ്റ് വർക്കുകളിലും ഇയ്യിടെ നടക്കുന്ന ചര്ച്ചകള്‍ ആയിരുന്നു .ചർച്ച ചെയ്യാന്‍ മാത്രമെങ്കിലും 'വ്യത്യസ്തം' ആയിരിക്കാം ഈ സിനിമ എന്ന് ആ സംവാദങ്ങള്‍ തോന്നിപ്പിച്ചു.
സിനിമ കണ്ട് ഇറങ്ങിയ ശേഷവും , വാസ്തവത്തില്‍ അത് അങ്ങനെ തന്നെ ആണെന്ന് തോന്നി .
എന്നാല്‍ , വ്യത്യാസം ഏത് തരത്തില്‍ ?

ചുരുങ്ങിയ വാക്കുകളില്‍ പറഞ്ഞാല്‍, നല്ല ചില ചോദ്യങ്ങൾക്ക് അടിവരയിടാന്‍ ഒരു പക്ഷെ ഈ സിനിമ ശ്രമിക്കുമ്പോള്‍ , ദൈവ സ്തംഭം മഹാശ്ചര്യം എനിക്കും കിട്ടണം പണം എന്ന പുരാതന യുക്തിയില്‍ മരമണ്ടന്‍ ഉത്തരങ്ങള്‍ അറിഞ്ഞുകൊണ്ട് തന്നെ എഴുതിപ്പിടിപ്പിക്കുന്നു . ഉറങ്ങുന്നവരെയും ഉറക്കം നടിക്കുന്നവരെയും ഒരു പോലെ സുഖിപ്പിക്കുന്നു . വീട്ടിലും തൊഴില് സ്ഥലത്തും സമൂഹത്തിലും ഒരുപോലെ രണ്ടാം കിടയായി കരുതപ്പെടുന്ന സ്ത്രീകള്‍ ഉള്പ്പെടെ എല്ലാ ദുര്ബ്ബലരും, അവരെപ്പോലെ മര്‍ദ്ദിതര്‍ ആയ മറ്റുളളവരുമായി ആശയ വിനിമയങ്ങള്‍ നടത്തിയും, അനീതികള്‍ക്കെതിരായ സമരങ്ങളില്‍ ഒരുമിച്ചുനിന്നും പരസ്പരം കരുത്ത് പകര്‍ന്നു നല്‍കിയും വികസിക്കാന്‍ സാധ്യതയുള്ള സ്വാഭാവികമായ രാഷ്ട്രീയം സിനിമയില്‍ ഒഴിവാക്കേണ്ട പോലെ ഒഴിവാക്കി . മാത്രമല്ല , പണത്തിന്റെ ആധിപത്യത്തില്‍ നിന്ന് വരുന്നതുൾപ്പെടെയുള്ള 'പൌരുഷത്തിന്റെ' തിന്മകളെ നേരിടുന്നതിന് ഉചിതമായ മാര്ഗ്ഗം കൂടുതല്‍ അപരിഷ്കൃതവും അരാജകവും ആയ വ്യക്തിഗത പ്രതികാരത്തിന് വേണ്ടി പണത്തെയും അധോലോകത്തെയും കൂട്ട് പിടിക്കല്‍ ആണ് എന്ന സൂചനയും സിനിമ നല്കുന്നു . പോരെങ്കില്‍, നന്മയ്ക്ക് പാരിതോഷികം നകുന്നവനായ ,എല്ലാത്തിനും സാക്ഷിയായ ദൈവത്തെയും മുടങ്ങാത്ത പ്രാര്ഥനകളെയും പശ്ചാത്തലത്തില്‍ ഒരുക്കിനിര്ത്തിയിട്ടുമുണ്ട് .

തനിക്ക് ഒരിക്കലും സ്നേഹം തോന്നിയിട്ടില്ലാത്ത പണക്കാരനും പ്രതാപിയുമായ ഒരു പരിചയക്കാരനാല്‍ ബലാല്സംഗം ചെയ്യപ്പെട്ടത് ഒരു പട്ടി കടിച്ചത് പോലെയുള്ള അനുഭവം മാത്രം ആയിരുന്നെന്നും, എന്നാല്‍ എന്തുകൊണ്ടോ താന്‍ സ്നേഹിച്ചുപോയ പുരുഷന്‍ പണത്തിനു വേണ്ടി ഇതിനു കൂട്ട് നിന്നതും ചതിയില്‍ ഒരു മയക്കുമരുന്ന് കേസ്സില്‍ കുടുക്കി തന്നെ ജെയിലില്‍ എത്തിച്ചതും ഒരിക്കലും പൊറുക്കാന്‍ ആവില്ലെന്നും ഈ സിനിമയിലെ മുഖ്യ കഥാപാത്രം പറയുന്നു.

കൂടക്കൂടെ കുരിശു വരച്ചു പ്രാർത്ഥിക്കുന്ന കോട്ടയത്തുകാരി ആയ ടെസ്സി എന്ന സ്നേഹ സമ്പന്നയായ യുവതിക്ക് സിനിമയുടെ ആദ്യ പകുതിയില്‍ ഇല്ലാതിരുന്ന അധോലോക ബന്ധം ലഭിക്ക്ന്നത് ബാംഗ്ലൂരിലെ ജയിലില്‍ വെച്ച് ആണ് ; പണം ഉണ്ടാക്കാന് വേണ്ടി എന്തും ചെയ്യാന്‍ മടിക്കാത്ത ഒരു ക്രിമിനലും തട്ടിപ്പുകാരനും ആണ് താന്‍ സ്നേഹിച്ചിരുന്ന വ്യക്തി എന്ന് ടെസ്സിക്കു പൂര്ണ്ണ ബോധ്യം ആവുന്നത് സുബൈദ എന്ന പേര് ഉള്ള (ഇരുണ്ട നിറക്കാരിയായ) ഒരു തമിഴ് നാട്ടുകാരി യില്‍ നിന്നാണ്. സ്വയം പീഡനത്തിന്റെ ഇരയായി ജെയിലില്‍ എത്തിയ സുബൈദയ്ക്ക് അധോലോകത്തുള്ള വാടകക്കൊലയാളികളെയും ക്രിമിനലുകളെയും നല്ലപോലെ അറിയാം! സുബൈദയുടെ ലോജിസ്ടിക് സപ്പോർട്ടോടെ സംഘടിപ്പിച്ച വാടക ക്രിമിനലുകളുടെ സഹായത്തോടെ തന്നെ ബലാല്സംഗം ചെയ്തയാളെ സർപ്പത്തെക്കൊണ്ട് കൊത്തിച്ചു കൊലപ്പെടുത്തിയും, പ്രേമ നാടകത്തിലൂടെ ചതിച്ച പുരുഷന്റെ ലിംഗം പ്രേമം അഭിനയിച്ചു തന്നെ മുറിച്ചു നീക്കിയും തീർത്തും അപരിഷ്കൃതമായ വിധത്തില്‍ പക വീട്ടുന്നു! ഇതോടൊപ്പം, ടെസ്സിയുടെ 'നന്മ'യ്ക്കുള്ള പ്രതിഫലം (അതോ മുടങ്ങാത്ത കുരിശു വരയ്ക്കുള്ള സമ്മാനമോ.)ആയി ദൈവം നിശ്ചയിച്ചത് പോലെ, കുറേ പണത്തിനും സ്വത്തിനും അവള്‍ യാദൃശ്ചികമായി അവകാശിയായിത്തീരുന്നു. അത്രയും കൊണ്ടും തീര്ന്നില്ലാ , വരുമാനം കുറഞ്ഞതും അധ്വാന ഭാരം ഏറിയതും ആയ നാട്ടിലെ നഴ്സിംഗ് ജോലിയുടെ സ്ഥാനത്ത് കാനഡയില്‍ മെച്ചപ്പെട്ട തൊഴില്‍ എന്ന അവളുടെ സ്വപ്നം പൂവണിയുക കൂടി ചെയ്യുന്നു!

സങ്കീർണ്ണമായ പ്രശ്നങ്ങൾക്ക് പരിഹാര ങ്ങള്‍ എത്ര ലളിതം! 'പഴം തലമുറ' സിനിമയില്‍ ഇത്രയും 'ഈസി' ആയി പ്രശ്നങ്ങള്‍ പരിഹരിച്ചു കൊടുക്കുന്നത് കണ്ടിട്ടില്ല !

സിനിമ ശരിക്കും സ്ത്രീ പക്ഷമാണോ, അതോ അത് വെറും സ്ത്രീ കേന്ദ്രിത പ്രമേയം മാത്രം ആസ്പദം ആക്കി യുള്ളതാണോ എന്ന തര്ക്കത്തിനിട യില്‍ 'ആന്ഗ്ലോഫിലിയ' , 'പോസ്റ്റ് കൊളോണിയല് reading 'എന്നിങ്ങനെ ഒഴുക്കന്‍ മട്ടില്‍ കുറ്റാരോപണങ്ങള്‍ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ തൊട്ടും തൊടാതെയും മുന്നോട്ട് നീങ്ങുമ്പോള്‍ മുകളില്‍ സൂചിപ്പിച്ച തരം ചോദ്യങ്ങള്‍ സ്വാഭാവികം ആണ്.

'പുതു തലമുറ സിനിമ 'എന്ന് സാമാന്യമായി പേരിട്ടു വിളിക്കാവുന്ന അത്ര വിശേഷപ്പെട്ടതും എടുത്തു പറയാവുന്നതും ആയ ഒരു ട്രെന്‍ഡ് മലയാളത്തില്‍ വന്നിട്ടുണ്ടോ ?

(ഉദാഹരണത്തിന് , സ്ത്രീ പക്ഷ പ്രമേയ സിനിമകളിലും അവയെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള സംവാദങ്ങളിലും സ്ത്രീകളുടെ പദവിയെ നിര്‍ണ്ണയിക്കുന്ന സുപ്രധാന മായ ജീവല്‍ പ്രശ്നങ്ങള്‍ പലതും ഒഴിവാക്കപ്പെടുന്നില്ലേ ? പാശ്ചാത്യ ആധുനികത യുടെ രംഗ പ്രവേശത്തിന്നു മുന്പ് നിലനിന്ന കൊളോണിയല്‍ പൂര്‍വ്വ സാമൂഹ്യ ഘടനകലുമായി ആധുനികത, ആണ്കൊയ്മ , മൂലധനം എന്നിവയോരോന്നിനും ഉള്ള പ്രതിപ്രവര്ത്തനങ്ങളുടെ സങ്കീര്‍ണ്ണതകള്‍ മറച്ചു വെക്കുകയാണ് സ്ത്രീപക്ഷ മെന്ന് വ്യവഹരിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന സിനിമയുടെ പുതു പ്രമേയങ്ങളും ചര്‍ച്ചകളും അധികവും ചെയ്യുന്നത് )

Thursday, March 12, 2009

SCRATCH BEYOND THE CRYINGS WOLF OF PUB CULTURE, DEARS, YOU'LL FIND SOMETHING MORE TO IT

TOWARDS WOMEN’S DAY 2009

(Women’s Day 2009 is being celebrated all over the world as the
centenary year of International Women’s Day. It marks about a hundred
years since the working women of several cities in the US sparked off
a remarkable struggle for their wages, the 8-hour working day and
other working conditions – and also for the right to vote.

In India, Women’s Day will be an occasion to reflect on the remarkable
strides that the women’s movement has made – in the world and in India
too. But recent events – like the assaults on women in Karnataka;
women being drawn into the workforce in large numbers, but in
ruthlessly casualised, contractualised, insecure and exploitative work
conditions; the denial of equal rights and minimum and equal wages in
the workplace (even in ‘flagship’ schemes like NREGA); and the
betrayal by the ruling UPA Government of the Bill for 33% reservation
for women in Parliament and Assemblies – will also remind us that
those achievements of the women’s movement are under a concerted
attack – by the communal fascists as well as by neoliberal economic
policies being pursued by the Government. Ed/-)



Gendered Violence by Communal Fascists


(Rati Rao, Vice President of AIPWA, has for several decades been a
leading figure in the women’s movement in Karnataka and the country,
associated with the Mysore-based Samata Vedike. Rati Rao comments on
the pub attacks in Mangalore and its implications for the women’s
movement.)


Mangalore is a port city known for its cosmopolitanism, where speakers
of many languages (Tulu, Kannada, Konkani, Beary etc), as well as many
communities including Hindu Billavas, Mogaveeras, Bunts & Saraswats,
the Muslim Bearys, Catholics, Jains and others have coexisted. Today,
however, Mangalore is at the center of a communal fascist tsunami that
threatens this heritage – and gendered assaults on women are a key
element in this fascist offensive.

A spate of incidents:


On 24 January 2009, Sangh Parivar goons styling themselves as the Sri
Rama Sene (SRS) entered a pub in Mangalore, brutally assaulted women
guests, dragging them by hair, tearing their clothes, slapping and
molesting them. The few onlookers (like one Pavan Shetty) who came
forward to help were also not spared. On the same day in the Balmatta
area of Mangalore, SRS goons attacked a house where women from non-
Hindu communities were invited for a party. On 06 February 2009,
Shruti a 2nd year Pre-University student of St Aloysius College,
Mangalore (and daughter of C.K. Kunhambu, CPI(M) MLA from Kerala),
along with a Muslim friend Shabeeb, were dragged out of a private bus
at Pumpwell and forced into an auto rickshaw by Hindutva goons, who
warned Shruti not to talk to non-Hindus as they are ‘inhuman’.

On 11 February 2009, 16-year-old Ashwini, daughter of Mr Jayamoolya
Elinge of Mulky (near Mangalore) committed suicide following public
humiliation by the Hindutva forces for walking on a street with a
Muslim boy. Ashwini and her classmate Madhavi, students of a PU
college at Aikala village, boarded a bus on 10 February. Rafique, the
helper of the bus, said they got off at Moodibidri with Abdul Salim,
the bus conductor, whose father was the owner of the bus. The three
walked towards Venoor where Hindutva vigilantes accosted them. The
girls were beaten up and humiliated for being friendly with someone
from another religion. Later in the police station at Moodibidri,
Ashwini’s father was asked to lodge a complaint against Abdul Salim by
the police, but he refused. Then Ashwini’s family too was publicly
humiliated by the mob at the police station – and she committed
suicide the next morning.

There is a long record of such incidents in the past several months in
the same region (see The Hindu, 2 September 2009). In December 2008, a
college bus on an official trip was stoned at Mangalore by Bajrang Dal
activists. Classmates, both boys and girls, were beaten up – the
pretext was that Hindu girls should not interact with Muslim or
Christian classmates. On 24 August 2008, a bus was intercepted at a
prominent junction in Mangalore; a Hindu girl and her Muslim fiancée
were dragged off the bus and assaulted. In another incident on 8
August 2008, Bajrang Dal activists stopped a bus in the city, and
assaulted Syed, Zulfikar and Ameen, because these young boys helped a
few girls with their bags, as the latter did not get seats in the bus.
Bajrang dal leader Sudarshan Moodbidri had claimed responsibility for
both the August incidents (Hindu 9.02.09), declaring that “girls
reform themselves once they are thrashed and humiliated in public, but
boys are tougher to control.” Clearly, months before pub attack, a
Sangh Parivar leader in Karnataka was openly recommending ‘thrashing
and humiliating’ women, including school girls and college going
women) in public as a measure of moral policing. He and his ilk were
allowed a free rein; and at least one schoolgirl – Ashwini – lost her
life as a result of such ‘thrashing and humiliation.’

The pub attack was of a piece with these communal fascist attacks. The
mischievous attempts to whip up a debate on ‘pub culture’ deliberately
deflect attention from the fact that the real target is not pubs, but
women’s freedom and communal harmony.

Subsequently, the SRS declared they would oppose Valentine’s Day all
over Karnataka and India; if they found any couple or girl and boy
together, they would force them to opt for either “rakhi or
mangalasutra”!


Waves of protests: The pub attack became a national issue because the
electronic media showed live footage of the incident. The
unprecedented coalition of civic groups all over Karnataka and in the
other parts of India to protest the attacks on women by SRS, Bajrang
Dal and their other outfits has been heartening. On 30 January 2009,
progressive organizations in Mysore held a sit-in dharna at Gandhi
Square in the heart of the city. Women’s organizations including
Samata Vedike and AIPWA, PUCL, drama groups, peasant groups, dalit
organizations, and intellectuals spoke on the occasion. More than 100
people participated. On the same day at Bangalore a huge rally was
organized to condemn the incident, and various women’s groups and
democratic organizations took part, raising slogans, “Ban SRS,” “Home
Minister should resign”, “Who gave the SRS the contract to save Hindu
culture”? It was pointed out 42 cases pending against Muthalik, State
President, SRS, were withdrawn. Thus the State has helped these self-
proclaimed vigilantes to indulge in their criminal activities.
Karnataka Komusauharda Vedike has been organizing public protests
against Sangh Parivar at Davanagere, Gadag etc .

On 31 January 2009, people from all walks of life (numbering around
300) assembled at Kadri park at Mangalore. They lauded Pavan Shetty
for his courage and conscience in accosting the perpetrators, and
filing a case against the SRS goons even after being beaten up by
them! Many prominent citizens of Mangalore condemned the pub attack.


Protests against the Valentine’s Day threats have been pouring in.
Many civic groups all over Karnataka and India protested against
these. At Mysore on 14 February, more than 100 people belonging to
various progressive groups formed a Human Chain at K R Circle. A huge
public protest was organized at Mangalore on the 20 February at the
DC's office against “Goondagiri in the name of protecting culture.”


Deflecting the Debate:

The National Commission of Women Chairperson Ms Girija Vyas refused to
accept the report of its member Nirmala Venkatesh who was sent on fact-
finding mission to Mangalore on the pub issue. She rejected the report
on the ground that it had not followed the norm that requires a three-
member team inclusive of a social activist; and also because none of
the attack victims were contacted and because undue emphasis was
placed on the nature of license issued to the pub which was not a part
of the mandate. However, Girija Vyas was silent on the worst
patriarchal sentiments uttered publicly by Ms. Venkatesh: declaring
that the ‘poor boys’ (perpetrators of crime) who met her in jail told
her they were disturbed by women in ‘naked dress’ (a mystifying
concept; after all, we know ‘naked’ and ‘dress’ – but what is ‘naked
dress’ we wonder), and that ‘after all ‘women have to be responsible
for their own safety.’ Later, the statement of the SRS backing this
woman did not surprise us. The SRS has no objection to ‘sadhus’ going
naked, nor to nakedness in temple sculpture – the only objection is to
women exercising choice and control over their bodies and
relationships. In any case, it was obvious in the live footage of the
assault, that the women were far from naked: it was only the SRS cadre
who were tearing off their clothes!

The Ministry of Women & Child Welfare also sent a team to investigate.
The Mayor of Mangalore has filed a case against Minister Renuka
Chaudhry for talking of ‘Talibanisation.’ The Mayor, so proactive when
it came to the charge of Talibanisation, did nothing to protect the
city’s women from goons.

There have also been some protests by SHG and Stree Shakti groups
obviously sponsored by saffron brigade against ‘pub culture’. These
got a fillip from the pronouncements of many – including Rajasthan CM
from the Congress Ashok Gehlot and Union Health Minister Anbumani
Ramadoss against ‘pub culture’. The simple question is: how come there
was no debate on men going to pubs? Why were women singled out for
attack in the pub? Pravin Valke, founder of the SRS’s statement
reveals that it not pubs, but women’s freedom and unconventional roles
that are the target. He said, “Pubs should be for men only. Women
should be at home by 7 pm. Why should they go to pubs: are they
learning to serve their husbands alcohol? They should learn to make
chapattis instead.”


Government Patronage:

All along the State Government, and especially the BJP government, has
been soft on the Sangh Parivar. In fact the Home Minister even said he
was considering appointing a media ‘ombudsman’ to screen media reports
that ‘lack objectivity’ and pronounce 'judgment' on issues. No doubt
he has no objection to media pronouncing judgement on innocent Muslims
branded by the police as terrorists – his concern is to muzzle the
media which exposes the Sangh’s own violent, communal, and anti-women
face.

The State Human Rights Commission Chairperson SR Nayak has pulled up
the State for its inaction on the issue of moral policing in the wake
of the suicide of 16-year-old college girl.


Understanding the roots: The Dakshina Kannada (DK) district has been
known for the highest literacy rate in the state and for a modern
cosmopolitan society. The syncretism had a material basis in the
coastal communities. Fishing is the occupation of Mogaveera men,
wholesale purchase, that of Beari (Muslims), and retail that of
Mogaveera women. The famous Mangalore lily, is grown by Christians,
wholesale purchase done by Bearis and retail sale by Hindus, who also
wear it. The coconut, mangoes, tamarind grown by Hindus, is purchased
wholesale by Bearis.

The soil of DK has witnessed powerful social movements since the 1980s
– some of the prominent ones being against the MRPL, against the deal
with the US power MNC Cogentrix, against coal-fired thermal power
plants, against the Nagarjuna steel plant and on environmental issues.
There is a powerful local legacy of communal harmony: the Bappa temple
built by Bappa Beari near Mulky in Bappanadu; the figures of Chamundi
and Babbaria; the cult of Madeena Durga of Ullala and Saida Bee Durga
of Mangalore (important Sufi cultural figures). The growth of the
Sangh Parivar in this region has been marked by the systematic
destruction of this culture, replacing it by one of communal hatred –
a project nurtured in the Sangh ‘laboratory’.


Women’s Movement Gains Under Fascist Attack


The idea that the pub attack reflected some sort of real resentment or
moral outrage against a certain elite lifestyle is not looking beyond
the surface. The women’s movement fought for decades for democratizing
their private sphere and the public space. All along the conservatives
tried to push us back to smothering spaces inside the homes and even
at the workplace. The women’s movement aspires for freedom, space and
decision-making power for women. But, all along we are pulled up on
the issue of dress codes, behaviour, mobility and personal life
choices (as to whom to choose as life partner etc). Why are women
alone made to bear the burden of ‘culture’- thereby forcing them to
tolerate the ‘culture’ of female foeticide, female infanticide, denial
of education for women, dowry murders, and drunken husbands’ daily
beatings?

This is the real question posed by the Mangalore attack – with which
the women’s movement is grappling.


BOX:


Protests in Karnataka

On 31 January 2009 CPIML and RYA jointly organized a protest rally at
Gangavati against the attack on women in a Mangalore pub. The 200-
strong rally of youth demanded a ban on SRS, booking Pramod Muthalik
and other culprits under Goonda’s Act, and resignation of Home
Minister VS Acharya and Chief Minister Yeddyurappa. They held that the
government is diverting the real issue of women’s freedom and secular
democracy and fanning feudal culture through communal fascist outfits
by invoking the bogey of ‘pub culture’. The BJP government is actually
promoting such outfits will links with terrorist organisations like
the ‘Abhinav Bharat’, and others alleged to have links with the
Malegaon blasts. At the culmination of the rally the young rallyists
burnt the effigy of Pramod Muthalik. The rally was led by Comrade J
Bharadwaj, State President of AIALA and the dharna was presided over
by Rafeeq, RYA convener.

Dr Lakshminarayana, State Convener of Indian Institute of Marxist
Studies (IIMS) and V Shankar, CCM, addressed the gathering.

AIPWA joined the protest rally on 30 January at Mysore, jointly
organized by various women’s and progressive organizations, including
PUCL and Samata Vedike. Comrade Rati Rao, National Vice-President of
AIPWA, Dr Lakshminarayana, State General Secretary of PUCL and Meera
Nayak of Samata Vedike addressed the gathering at Mysore apart from
many leaders representing various other organizations. Comrade
Gandhimathi, NCM joined the protest rally at Bangalore on the same
day. Comrade Rati Rao participated in the protest rally at Mangalore
also on 31 January 2009.


AISA and AIPWA Defy the Morality Police


To challenge the Sangh Parivar's Valentine's Day threats, hundreds of
students of Delhi University, together with teachers from DU and JNU,
writers and literary figures, including Rajendra Yadav (editor, Hans),
Arundhati Roy (writer) and Rameshwar Rai (Reader, Hindu College)
gathered at the DU Arts Faculty to celebrate 'Love in our Times.' The
event was organized by AISA and AIPWA. The event was preceded by an
intensive two-week-long campaign amongst DU students.

Students and teachers from DU read out passages on the theme of
freedom of expression, women's rights, from Periyar, Engels, Canadian
writer Margaret Atwood, Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Habib Jalib, and gay and
lesbian writings to an enthusiastic audience. One student read out a
poem by Akka Mahadevi – woman poet-saint of Karnataka several
centuries ago, whom the BJP wanted to ban from the textbooks. One
teacher read out a poem on the suicide of the Mangalore schoolgirl and
one on the nude protest of the Manipuri women after the army jawans
raped Thangjam Manorama. The area outside the Arts Faculty was
decorated with poetry-posters. One poster asked, "Daughters killed for
'honour', Rizwanur Rehman, Nitish Katara – why does love in caste
society carry the price of death?"

Rameshwar Rai, Reader, Hindu, spoke about love as a form of rebellion.
Ridiculing the Sangh plan to force couples to choose between rakhi and
sindur, he said that love, friendship, relationships were a personal
matter and no one should be allowed to impose their own views on
others in such matters.

Rajendra Yadav, editor, Hans, said that we in India cannot face the
future if we burden ourselves with the weight of the past 'culture.'
The Sangh Parivar and BJP in the name of 'Indian culture,' are
imposing a patriarchal norm, he said, and seeking to suppress women's
freedom. He said their opposition to 'western culture' is hypocritical
– and it is impossible to separate 'Indian' culture from 'Western'
culture'.

Arundhati Roy read out the passage from 'The God of Small Things' –
which speak of breaking the "Love Laws" which lay down "who could be
loved, and how, and how much." She said that we are indeed in the
midst of 'love wars' – on the one hand, she said, we love freedom, and
democracy and they love repression, they love celebrating rapes of
Muslim women in Gujarat. She said that for her, 'love and azaadi
(freedom) were inextricably linked, and she spoke of the linkages
between the struggle against the Sangh Parivar and other people's
struggles against displacement and democracy. She said that for all
those gathered there, 'Valentine's Day' as such had no meaning; it
meant nothing but 'Styrofoam hearts'. But what was important was to
challenge and celebrate, daily, the struggle for freedom and
democracy. It was because the Sangh Parivar was attacking Valentine's
Day that this day has been chosen for this celebration.

On Valentine’s Day itself, AISA and AIPWA held a march in and around
the DU North Campus. Cultural teams of Sangwari and Awaam comprising
of Jamia Millia Islamia students sang creative and defiant songs
celebrating the "right to live and love in freedom" and performed
street plays on this theme. The students marched to various colleges
in the DU campus and also to the Kamla Nagar market area where, in the
past, the Sangh Parivar has indulged in vandalism on Valentine's Day.
In the crowded Kamla Nagar market they raised slogans, "Love is not a
crime, so why fear the Sanghi terrorists?"

1

Saturday, March 7, 2009

A Few Questions to Women's Rights Defenders of Kerala On March 08,2009

Well, we may do well to ask the organizations, or the personalities
presiding the pennkodathi these questions:
Do they really like to see women of Kerala ever having autonomy over
their bodies ?
Even while we find chapters of peedanam unending here in Kerala, are
we confident enough to be able in any near future, to stop seeing
women of Kerala just as victims of 'peedanam'?
When will we able to find them as active individuals/ collectivities
fighting , challenging the male regime of gender and sexuality on the
one hand, and demanding progressive reforms in education about sex and
reproduction on the other?
When will we/ they be able to take on this essentially anti-woman,
protectionist attitude that promotes kind of
single handed discourse on peedanam, wherein, active agency is denied
to women on every count?
When will be able to dispense with the need of outfits like "Stree
Suraksha Samithis" ,which virtually edifies the dictum of Manu (Women
should always be protected, and they never deserve to be free)
Flip side of the institution of peedanam is family, the burial ground
of every right of women to full citizenship.
These die hard defenders of culture seem to suggest that culture is something that should essentially,unilaterally and permanently control women through imposed dress codes,prescribed body languages and demarcated boundaries of space and time crossing which, they might spoil everything.How the Lakhshmanarekha in the Hindu epic symbolizes this equation of
restriction =protection is too well known to be elaborated here.

Why blame SriRam Senes for acts (albeit a little outrageous and violent) in teaching women of their status, if one is going to argue that protection is so conditional and dependent on curtailing the civic freedoms of women ?

It is high time that we openly defied Culture, Morals and Traditions
at least to the extent that they openly take sides with an agenda of
perpetuating patriarchy in all walks of life, be it physical labour,
reproduction, sexuality or the organization of family.

"THEY LOOK LESS COMIC"

What is the connection between March 08 and Sartre?
I don't know and perhaps anybody else knows either.
Nevertheless, each March 08 reminds me of Sartre.
My memories from having read very few texts by him/about him
suddenly bring forth this statement made by him to an interviewer
asking
why he was often seen more attracted to women, rather than men:
Just because they look less comic than most of the men I meet!

Greetings of the day,
Venu.

Saturday, May 10, 2008

Revolutionising Against the Morality

Did we ever have to be bothered by a kind of discursive scheme about right & wrong, good & bad, virtue & vice, prevailing in varying degrees at any place on earth inhabited by humans and from time immemorial, which is absolutely constructed on the foundations of gender- ie; on the worst of arbitrary division of the entire humanity into men, women, transsexuals, trans gendered, eunuchs, etc.?

Why is it that most of us remain so unsuspecting and obedient to the ways through which certain attitudes and practices about making friends, loving, mingling, sharing, living together, experiencing joy by exercising autonomy over bodies, etc are seen as disastrous deviances, while certain others are rigorously imposed on all, as unchanging laws of virtuous living?

The near-universal mode of propagation of the human species, largely bases itself on organization of all thoughts, imaginations ,dreams and actions concerning love and sex, around a single institution, viz, the hetero-sexual family. This is possibly the single institution that has played the pivotal role in selectively sanctifying certain kinds of economic, social and cultural activities of people through ages cutting across geographical, anthropological and other differences, while certain others were just demonized.

The system of privileges and deprivations emanating from the hetero-sexual, monogamous and patriarchal family and its gendered social life, unfortunately, is taken for granted by most of us, despite many historical efforts to successfully add to the statute book the concept of gender justice, albeit in a rudimentary form.

Though the law remains there at a distance to be operative for certain category of actors, as against others for whom there is virtually no meaning for citizenship, gender continues to be an instrument of denying, or being denied important human rights. Certain kinds of human interactions compared to certain others, are too conspicuously identifiable by gender that one will find it far less cumbersome to go by the local ethos, than to go by the the law of the land, for that matter. Further, if anyone dares to invoke the law and the Constitution of the country with the hope that tyrannies acted out in the name of tradition, culture, protection of morality etc may be diffused, more violent attempts to suppress aspirations for freedom are sure to be encountered.

This is has come especially characteristic of our situation, which is often tagged as third worldly. By belonging to this category, at least majority of us are considered lesser entitled to human rights compared to the way most people in the West are. Often, we are told that in our context, individuals' freedom matters less when the great crisis of our times is that crass commercialism is destroying our great culture and tradition. Likewise, we are told that invoking the right to personal liberty, autonomy and dignity of individual is a sin by itself, which is originating from the outlandish patterns of destruction; which in turn might portend dreaded anarchy and chaos around.

Hence, you need to be conforming to the dominant modes in everything: unchanging faith in religion and god; unchanging faith in the system that rule; faith in the hetero-sexual, monogamous and patriarchal family- stated or unstated in the last though, but not the least by any means. What is likely to pass off quietly in between, however ,is the already existing insecurity in the minds of people ,the feelings of already becoming prey to a host of anarchical forces, economic , social , cultural and so on , which have scant regard for the law or for the rights of fellow humans.

What were the courts doing ?

Ordering a stay on a 'public interest' litigation against Shilpa Shetty and Richard Gere during the last year for having enacted a demonstrative kiss in public view the Supreme Court had made certain remarks gravitating itself to a preference for Puritanism .and orthodoxy in attitudes toward expressions of love and sexuality. Significantly, 'the kiss case' had originated in the context of the campaign Gere& Co had undertaken for promoting awareness among the public and ending discriminations against HIV victims.

As Ratna kapur, Director, Centre for Feminist Legal Research, Mumbai has observed;

"What is at issue is not whether the 'kiss' deserved such
attention, but the extent to which India's obscenity laws are
increasingly being used for moral policing and encroaching on
the rights to free speech and expression.

While there has been no opposition expressed by feminist
groups or civil society members to 'the kiss' there has also
not been any enthusiastic endorsement of the 'performance.

The resounding silence speaks to a deeper discomfort around
issues of sex and sexuality that continue to haunt the borders
of free speech and expression"

[Times of India article , 25-05-2007: Bold and Beautiful]

According to Ratna, the Shilpa Shetty / Richard Gere case when did arise in the context of a public awareness campaign on AIDS and the controversy it generated provided an appropriate moment for feminists and others to generate a healthy
debate on the line between safe, consensual sex and risky
behaviour, the issue was simply caused to be hijacked by the censorship lobby.

Through a number of decisions on censorship issues etc and striking down the ban on the bar dancers in Maharashtra, the Supreme Court has bothered themselves more with imagined or actual threats to the regime of heterosexual -patriarchal -monogamous value system, than with protecting the freedom of expression itself. For example, it decided that where the bar dancers at beer halls who were comparatively few in number need not be banned from performing, it was categorically considered not desirable to allow such performances everywhere by other women in other establishments, for example.
Such decisions clearly send the message that sexual explicitness is
immoral by itself, and further that sex and sexuality are not a normal part of our
humanity, but a corrupting and unhealthy influence from which
'decent people' must be protected.[Ratna Kapur]

The Battles for Citizenship

The politics of claiming autonomy over bodies cannot perhaps wait, until all the fears associated with morals and culture are settled forever. It is imperative to talk about how deeply the gendered individuals in a hetero-normative society would love to assert their freedoms as others would.We seem to have reached a point that no political movement can inch ahead, unless the conspiracy of silence about sexuality is broken. Sexuality is an important arena of struggle, where everybody would perhaps need to fight at least for the legally enforceable rights against those privileges and deprivations perpetuated by the ill founded morality regime, based solely on gender.

What do you think of same sex love?

In most countries of the West, discriminating provisions of law relating to the practice of same sex love have been removed from the statute books. The Psychiatric Association of America, as early as a quarter centaury ago, had called for understanding homosexuality less as a mental disorder than at par with patterns of sexual behavior termed as normal (heterosexuality).

Gay politics has now become part of the antiwar and human rights movements. One of the stipulations for any European country to become a member of the EEC is that the aspiring state should decriminalize homosexuality. Paradoxically enough, the Indian Penal Code has section 377 still intact , with the effect that homosexual love relation could be booked as offence punishable under IPC. It may be recalled that the law itself had come to effect under colonial rule to enforce Victorian morality on the indigenous people, and in most the countries where this reigned, similar laws have already been thrown to the dust bin of history.

In recent decades, there has been sweeping change world over in ways of addressing sexuality. For example, in many countries laws have been reformed with a view to ending social discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual and the transgendered (LGBT). Rights of LGBT have even become part of agenda of the left, albeit with serious limitations originating from rigid conceptual paradigms. Further, at least a few of the important bodies affiliated to the UN has recognized the right of sexual self-determination and sexual orientation of individual as inalienable human rights. Similarly, ending stigmatization of sex work has lately been among the agenda of reforms in many sovereign states and societies. Yet another area where the taboos have disappeared,

is the realm of imparting scientific sex education to children right from their schooling age.

Despite many of these changes taking place around, moralism has become an easily identifiable obsession with our dominant societal attitude to sex, cutting across the divides of class, gender, caste and religion.

Fear, inconsistency, duality in standards, hypocrisy, opportunism and most often, hate and violence form the hallmarks of this moralism. We find newspapers celebrating moralistic gazes on peoples' private lives, which stop at nothing short of trampling upon legal rights of individuals quietly leading their peaceful lives. Stories brought out under the caption of news are largely designed for reproducing the same values of morality, apart from being the stuff that feeds sensationalism. At one end of this morality spectrum one finds cowardice though, proceeding to the fag end, you will see a diabolic propensity for mob- violence that can visit upon all categories of minorities including women(in the sense of women being a cultural minority as observed by Kate Millet), transsexuals and the transgendered.

Viewed against this kind of scenario, human rights in the context of sexuality become virtually denied to large sections of people. These sections comprise those yet kept waiting at the doors for entry to the enterprise of heterosexual family , or who have been pushed to the outskirts of this family for not being able to conform. For example, to the unmarried, widower, widow, divorcee, homosexual, transgender, lonely, sex worker, differently abled , and so on.

There is certainly no disagreement that forms of sexual behavior leading to aggression and violence are to be condemned as anti social. But the imperative, however, is to realize that sex- related atrocities are not same as demanding sexual freedom. Despite the fact is clearly understood that patriarchal standards of conformity in sexual behaviour is most often the root cause of sexual atrocities, we still shy away from raising many fundamental questions. For example, despite elaborate discourses we had on patriarchy, many a feminist fails to take note of the fact that sexuality itself is a social construct built around a gendered society. Most of the assumptions of gendered life that are generally accepted without questions therefore do not just result from a shameful ignorance, but they also constitute criminal neglect in a serious political sense. There is criminal disregard for the lived experience of people which in turn, has played a major role in suppressing the great faculty of creativity in humans.

We have been virtually made into a people with unspeakable mental stress and neurotic disorders on the one side, and to a horde extremely intolerant, revengeful and insensitive toward the idea of change, on the other.

Any societal attitude that refuses to treat the people with sexual orientation other than the hetero as human beings would necessarily amount to justifying unspeakable acts of violence and discriminations. Same sex love relationships certainly do raise questions about the stereotypical, which in turn, contribute to the ultimate challenge to the presiding system of privileges based on gender.

Judith Butler

and Gender Trouble

Judith Butler, through her epoch-making 'Gender Trouble' and some other works has strived to raise pertinent questions as to how the comparatively irrelevant features of biology between male, female and the transsexuals should stand in the way of people's claim for commonality as humans, for example, equal rights to citizenship. Heterosexuality has simply got to be thrust as the norm, according to Judith Butler, for which there would have been no basis at all, save the irrational and arbitrary division of gender. According to her, the whole of humanity becomes divided to actors as though they were required to perform the differing roles as man and woman according to a pre-written script of gender. It is these roles for performance that readily deny access to the trans gendered people; their very right to exist as humans with feelings and intelligence, as people capable of loving, being loved ,learning, thinking , struggling, taking part in politics, dreaming about future,etc etc. are most invariably and instantly denied by the hetero normative society.

From this universal scenario of heterosexual norms when we come to the Indian context, we find that caste in Hindu belief system undoubtedly exaggerates and accentuates those malfeasances originated by gender in the first place. Here, every atrocity or discrimination perpetuated against women bears complimentarity to atrocities against people of lower castes.

The gory accounts of witch –hunts recently acted out against women, reported from eastern, central and even the southern states of India signify how the brutal practices of witch hunt go by a caste- gender formula. Atrocities against unattached single dalit woman following allegation of witchcraft, apparently pass largely unopposed even by male chieftains of the concerned dalit community, possibly because the victim in most such cases is living outside the heterosexual family!

Coming back to recent reports of witch hunt in India as largely caused by caste, we need to pause for a moment. If the massive hate generated against the victims were attributable only to their belonging to certain lower castes, the fact of their being all women would have had no significance. If we were to take a look at the Europe of the dark medieval ages, we would find that as many as 15-20 million women were murdered at the behest of the Catholic male clergy in a period of three or more centuries. All these women were whites , as the dark people and continent were yet waiting to be explored by the white men, then.

This might suggest that most debates taking place in our country being focused on caste though for reasons valid enough, have nevertheless, had a tendency to bye pass the equally important factors of gender.

Dismembering of Bhutmangi family,

(Khairlanji-2006, September)

As we go further, we just can't but believe how an entire village of upper caste people almost ceremoniously participated in a brutal mass violence involving parading naked a woman with her higher secondary school - going daughter, college-going son and another son who was blind , maiming, , killing them all ,and finally mutilating even the corpses of the four members of the dalit family in Khairlanji, Maharashtra.

The dalit woman's staunch resistance against the upper caste peoples' demand to cede her small piece of land for a road and the complaints made by her to the police against previous assaults were reported as the provocation for the mob violence .

Significantly, another story referring to the allegedly bad moral of the woman too was reportedly employed to generate hate; perhaps this story had apparently been put in place the moral regime of right vs wrongs. Participation of the nearly the whole of upper caste village in this diabolic act of hate on the one hand and glaring failure on the part of the district administration and the media to take cognizance of the incidence until a month after the occurrence on the other , should indeed sound bizarre. Bhutmangi's alleged adulterous connection with another man, possibly was used in augmenting the hate ; that the family needed to be taught a lesson was perhaps made easier to be bought by the villagers by invoking ideas of moral terror and hate. It is also noteworthy that the series of violence in Khairlanji were so typical of moralistic terror when characterized by stripping, parading of the women victims naked, forcing them to be raped and so on.

What do the Religious Texts Say on Women's

Probable Claims for Autonomy Over Bodies?

Several scriptures and other ancient texts are replete with examples where women are forbidden from claims for inclusiveness like active citizenship or its equivalent, and they are placed alongside the people of lower castes. . For example, in the anushasana parva of Mahabharath, we find Bhishma advising Yudhishtira never to trust women as they are innately lascivious to such extent that even if you make them tread a hotbed of burning desert, they will never compromise their desire. Same is said about the need to keep the lower caste people under strict control and vigil,on umpteen occasions in many texts including the arthasaasthra by Kautilya.

Women of all castes , especially in their reproductive ages are presumed impure by virtue of their bodies, more or less in same ways as the working class, who in turn, labour with their bodies.

Upanayans for Brahmin boys are performed these scientific days with more fervour than before, perhaps; never mind the underlying purpose of this ritual is cleansing a male Brahman of the impurity of birth, to become a true dwija (twice born); this is to rectify the imperfection due to having come out of the womb of a woman.

Why does the superiority

in number fail to make a difference?

Perhaps numbers do really matter; but may be so only in a genuinely functioning democracy. This, we haven't come across though, it should definitely help asking why the minority dictums of the elite males should prevail, despite women and lower castes actually being far more in number.

Why are shikhandis being made out

To be repositories of perpetual hate?

Transsexuals, like Shikhandi in Mahabharath are invariably despised and placed in status, even much lower than that of women, and are often employed for doing dirty jobs. We find the most bitter of abuse averywhere in India, in someone being called a napumsaka (transsexual/transgender/eunuch) . This is usage is loaded with much more contempt than a man being accused of behaving like a woman, or vice versa.

What Could be the Answer?
Determined efforts both in thought and action, to revolutionize the existing notion of morality by all concerned seem to be imperative for a change for better.

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